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  • Institutionalization of REDD+ MRV in Indonesia, Peru, and Tanzania: progress and implications

Institutionalization of REDD+ MRV in Indonesia, Peru, and Tanzania: progress and implications

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Reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation in developing countries (REDD+) has opened up a new global discussion on forest monitoring and carbon accounting in developing countries. We analyze and compare the extent to which the concept of measurement, reporting, and verification (MRV) for REDD+ has become institutionalized in terms of new policy discourses, actors, resources, and rules in Indonesia, Peru, and Tanzania. To do so, we draw on discursive institutionalism and the policy arrangement approach. A qualitative scale that distinguishes between “shallow” institutionalization on the one end, and “deep” institutionalization on the other, is developed to structure the analysis and comparison. Results show that in all countries MRV has become institutionalized in new or revised aims, scope, and strategies for forest monitoring, and development of new agencies and mobilization of new actors and resources. New legislations to anchor forest monitoring in law and procedures to institutionalize the roles of the various agencies are being developed. Nevertheless, the extent to which MRV has been institutionalized varies across countries, with Indonesia experiencing “deep” institutionalization, Peru “shallow-intermediate” institutionalization, and Tanzania “intermediate-deep” institutionalization. We explore possible reasons for and consequences of differences in extent of institutionalization of MRV across countries.

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  • Creating an appropriate tenure foundation for REDD+: The record to date and prospects for the future

Creating an appropriate tenure foundation for REDD+: The record to date and prospects for the future

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Attention to tenure is a fundamental step in preparation for REDD+ implementation. Unclear and conflicting tenure has been the main challenge faced by the proponents of subnational REDD+ initiatives, and accordingly, they have expended much effort to remedy the problem. This article assesses how well REDD+ has performed in laying an appropriate tenure foundation. Field research was carried out in two phases (2010-2012 and 2013-2014) in five countries (Brazil, Peru, Cameroon, Tanzania, Indonesia) at 21 subnational initiatives, 141 villages (half targeted for REDD+ interventions), and 3,754 households. Three questions are posed: 1) What was the effect of REDD+ on perceived tenure insecurity of village residents?; 2) What are the main reasons for change in the level of tenure insecurity and security from Phase 1 to Phase 2 perceived by village residents in control and intervention villages?; and 3) How do intervention village residents evaluate the impact of tenure-related interventions on community well-being? Among the notable findings are that: 1) tenure insecurity decreases slightly across the whole sample of villages, but we only find that REDD+ significantly reduces tenure insecurity in Cameroon, while actually increasing insecurity of smallholder agricultural land tenure in Brazil at the household level; 2) among the main reported reasons for increasing tenure insecurity (where it occurs) are problems with outside companies, lack of title, and competition from neighboring villagers; and 3) views on the effect of REDD+ tenure-related interventions on community well-being lean towards the positive, including for interventions that restrain access to forest. Thus, while there is little evidence that REDD+ interventions have worsened smallholder tenure insecurity (as feared by critics), there is also little evidence that the proponents’ efforts to address tenure insecurity have produced results. Work on tenure remains an urgent priority for safeguarding local livelihoods as well as for reducing deforestation. This will require increased attention to participatory engagement, improved reward systems, tenure policy reform, integration of national and local efforts, and “business-as-usual” interests.

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  • REDD+ findings from Tanzania, Indonesia and Peru show gender divide

REDD+ findings from Tanzania, Indonesia and Peru show gender divide

A woman picks tea leaves in Tanzania. Photo by Nkumi Mtimgwa/CIFOR
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FTA COMMUNICATIONS TEAM

A woman picks tea leaves in Tanzania. Photo by Nkumi Mtimgwa/CIFOR

Men and women differ in their preferences when it comes to REDD+ benefits. Men prefer cash incentives while women lean toward non-cash benefits, according to the CGIAR Research Program on Forests, Trees and Agroforestry’s (FTA) Esther Mwangi, a Principal Scientist at the Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR).

Mwangi and an international team of researchers conducted in-depth intra-household interviews in Tanzania, Indonesia and Peru as part of a work package comprising a larger project on REDD+ and tenure.

Across all three countries, in addition to the benefit preference of men and women, researchers found a correlation between increased women’s participation and more equitable distribution of benefits. But they also found male dominance in different decision-making stages, and that people (mostly men) involved in decisions regarding REDD+ were more likely to be satisfied with the distribution of benefits.

More than benefit preferences, there was a bigger gender difference when it came to having REDD+ information and being involved in the decision-making process on which benefits would be distributed and how, with men much more active. Mwangi presented some of her findings late last year at the IUFRO 125th World Congress. Here she talks about her work and findings in detail.

Read more: Are there differences between men and women in REDD+ benefit sharing schemes?

When you talk about non-cash benefits, what does that include?

Non-cash benefits are material awards other than direct monetary payments. These include construction of classrooms for primary school children, provisions of farming implements, provision of potable water, or even capacity-building in conservation farming.

In Peru, it was interesting to find that even these non-monetary benefits were differentiated by gender. Men preferred construction materials, technical assistance and training, legal assistance and seedlings of non-timber species. Women, on the other hand, preferred objects or utensils for the home, organic gardens, animals to raise, timber tree saplings, textiles and handicrafts. Therefore, even the preferred types of non-cash benefits are differentiated according to gender.

During a community feedback workshop in Tanzania, we asked men and women to tell us what they would want to see done differently if the REDD+ project were to resume in their village. While women wanted non-cash benefits prioritized, they also indicated that these non-cash benefits “touch women’s problems”.

What are some factors keeping women out of REDD+ decision-making?

Children play in the indigenous community of Callería in Peru. Photo by Juan Carlos Huayllapuma/CIFOR

We found that twice as many men as women were involved in REDD+ decision-making in Tanzania, four times as many men as women in Peru, and about equal proportions of men and women were involved in Indonesia.

Our definition of REDD+ decision-making covered issues such as whether they were involved in the initial decision on whether or not REDD+ should be implemented in their village, and whether they were involved in the design and implementation of REDD+ activities. Most women indicated that they did not know about these matters. For those who did know, they said they were not invited to meetings when those decisions were made.

The asymmetry between men’s and women’s participation in forestry decision-making is often rooted in two inter-related issues. First, forestry institutions and forest resources are generally male-dominated and second, village-level decision-making takes place in the public sphere. Women are traditionally associated with the private sphere of home and family life.

Was it surprising to find that when there was increased women’s participation, there was a more equitable distribution of benefits?

I personally wasn’t surprised, but still I thought it was an interesting result that probably jibes well with other results.

Work in India and Nepal shows that an increased number of women in decision-making roles has good outcomes for forest conditions. Even in the corporate world, research is starting to show that increasing the presence of women in boardrooms is correlated with greater corporate social responsibility and concern for equitable outcomes of investments.

Read more: ACM levels the playing field for women and men in forest-adjacent communities

Regardless of gender, there were pretty low rates of knowledge of REDD+ and involvement in related decisions. Can you tell us more about that?

Women prepare for a local culinary course in Kapuas Hulu, Indonesia. Photo by Icaro Cooke Vieira/CIFOR

This is an interesting observation and speaks to the entry point chosen by NGOs, which, in most of the cases, happened to be village leaders. Village leaders are crucial and should always be approached when setting up projects and interventions in rural areas. However, more effort should be made to ensure greater inclusion, especially if women and others (including men) are frequently marginalized in decision-making. This extra effort should be made even if village leadership is widely respected and legitimate.

When asked what should happen differently if the REDD+ pilots were to be repeated, both men and women in Tanzania made clear that REDD+ education should be provided on a door-to-door basis. This would help raise awareness and widely disseminate information.

This is a reasonable demand and probably good for interventions, because if people don’t know what exactly REDD+ is and why it’s being implemented, (that is, make the connection between REDD+ benefits and forest conservation) it’s unlikely that these schemes will achieve their goals. Moreover, lack of involvement in decision-making weakens the legitimacy and sustainability of the schemes.

What are the next steps for work on this topic? 

Benefit-sharing arrangements should be designed with gendered differences in mind. This cannot be overemphasized, because these benefits constitute an important incentive for sustainable management and even conservation.

In previous work, we demonstrated that greater gender equity is possible in the forestry sector both in participation in decision-making and in the distribution of forestry benefits. Lessons from this work would be invaluable in informing the design and implementation of benefit-sharing arrangements.

Read more: Strengthening women’s tenure and rights to forests and trees and their participation in decision making

By Christi Hang, originally published at CIFOR’s Forests News


This research forms part of the CGIAR Research Program on Forests, Trees and Agroforestry, which is supported by CGIAR Fund Donors.

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  • Upgrading Tanzania’s artisanal and small-scale mining through investor partnerships: Opportunities and challenges

Upgrading Tanzania’s artisanal and small-scale mining through investor partnerships: Opportunities and challenges

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FTA COMMUNICATIONS TEAM

  • Foreign investors are increasingly partnering with ASM operators to access mineral rights and reserves, in a high risk and high cost environment.
  • This has led to an upgrading of ASM operations and indirect technology diffusion across mining areas through ‘demonstration effects’, but this upgrading may disrupt existing benefit sharing arrangements between ASM laborers and pit-owners/license holders.
  • Upgrading of ASM, through capital infusion and technology advancement, is also accompanied by high environmental and occupational health and safety risks.
  • The constrained capacity of sub-national institutions and lack of cross-institutional coordination are hampering governmental efforts to monitor and improve environmental and occupational health and safety practices of partnerships.
  • Policy discussion is needed on the ASM-investor partnership model’s benefits and risks, and how best to harness its potential to upgrade the sector, as well as support the sustainable development of rural mining communities.
  • Effective institutional coordination among key government institutions, particularly at sub-national level, is urgently needed to reduce the high environmental and labor safety risks posed by mechanized small-scale mines.
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  • Why gender matters for restoration

Why gender matters for restoration

A woman carries firewood in Kenya, East Africa. Photo by Sande Murunga/CIFOR
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A woman carries firewood in Kenya, East Africa. Photo by Sande Murunga/CIFOR

Nairobi dialogue cultivates answers on how to bring everyone to the restoration table.

Four East Africa country representatives, a handful of restoration implementers, half a dozen scientists and a collection of gender specialists walked into a room. They emerged hours later with points of action and vows to work together, after a day of discussions that focused on national-level forest restoration work, women’s rights to land and the gendered use of resources.

The dialogue on Forest Landscape Restoration (FLR) and gender equality in Nairobi, the second in a series of events on the topic hosted by the Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR), together with the CGIAR Research Program on Forests, Trees and Agroforestry (FTA) and partners, delved into the East Africa experience with the aim to create integrated solutions.

Read more: Policy Dialogue on Forest Landscape Restoration and Gender Equality

“The discussion examined what restoration is on the ground and how different countries are implementing it, and about the challenges in terms of gender equality. FLR takes place in a context where inequalities exist and so the question is the way in which FLR is done – you can either reproduce or even exacerbate those inequalities if you’re not taking gender into account,” FTA and CIFOR research officer Markus Ihalainen said in an interview after the event.

With examples from Kenya, Ethiopia, Uganda and Tanzania presented along with the benefits of grounding gender equality in FLR — and the risks of not doing so — participants brainstormed and workshopped ways forward as restoration commitments around the world surge.

At the event, FTA and CIFOR’s Esther Mwangi said of equity guarantees, “It’s important to have things on paper, but we should not overestimate that […] It is not just about adding gender, but understanding gender across the different actors involved.”

Read more: FTA at Global Landscapes Forum Bonn

LET’S GET PRACTICAL

Rice farmers work on Indonesian peatlands. Photo by Mokhamad Edliadi/CIFOR

Daniel Nkondola from the Tanzania Vice President’s Office discussed the differing ways men and women use the country’s forests, with women’s roles restricted although they are considered the managers of resources, and men harvesting forest products for commercial activities.

“But female-headed households plant more trees than men,” he said, adding as a sort of call to action. “We know that women can be agents of change.”

In Ethiopia, mapping was front and center as Ashebir Wondimu from the Ministry of Environment talked restoration in the country, with work on the ground including agroforestry, reforestation and the establishment of enclosures.

When gender is thrown in the FLR mix, Wondimu said, “Existing policies, strategies, initiatives and targets encourage gender equality. The problem is the practice and the capacity to monitor its implementation.”

As the discussion moved toward strategically addressing gender issues, Janet Macharia of UN Environment said, “If you look at FLR you must look at a wider spectrum: you’re looking at sustainable livelihoods, you’re looking at water, you’re looking at energy, political issues, education […] so gender mainstreaming is exciting.”

And along with that wider perspective, one must also drill down to specificities, as many emphasized throughout the day.

Ihalainen said: “These issues need to be approached contextually. But it’s not only a national issue, as these things look differently even within a country depending on which area or region you’re in, or the cultural context. What is clear is that a lot of the challenges in terms of FLR are quite similar in these countries but the approaches are different.”

Read more: Focus on gender research and mainstreaming

LOST IN TRANSLATION

Along with the different approaches to FLR — which can vary by climate, region, nation or village – are the many different roles men and women play. In combination, this makes for heady layers of considerations.

Macharia said of indigenous knowledge, “The trees that women are allowed to cut, the trees that men are allowed to cut, the trees no one is allowed to cut that are used for medicine — these practices need to be brought into policy and the policy taken down to the ground.

“You can’t go places and talk gender and gender equality because people have no clue what that is, because you can’t translate that into their language. It is up to us to translate what it is we want to do and understand where they’re coming from and work for change. We have to put ourselves in their shoes.”

A native seed in Mau Forest, Kenya. Photo by Patrick Shepherd/CIFOR

This need to translate gender and restoration with the people impacted most — through understanding, informing and doing — was a common thread in the day’s discussions.

“It’s a good exercise to think about how FLR could be done in a more holistic way and how gender features in that. But in the short term we need to look at what’s happening on the ground, what are the issues that are emerging, what are the risks and what’s the support that’s needed,” Ihalainen said.

“That’s what I’m hoping to bring to our upcoming discussion at the Global Landscapes Forum (GLF) in Bonn — a perspective that’s more than just talking about gender responsiveness as part of a theoretical concept that’s not necessarily being implemented in that way.”

This topic will be discussed at a session titled Enhancing tenure security and gender equality in the context of forest landscape restoration, which FTA is coorganizing, at the GLF.

GROUND UP

But what are the risks if restoration efforts continue without consideration of structural inequalities, or gendered labor, or property rights and women?

Mwangi said, “If we do not take into account gender in a meaningful way then there won’t be incentives for women to participate in restoration. There is the issue of tenure and rights in East Africa; in these countries women can be neglected. Ask who owns that tree, who owns this land — you are unlikely to hear that it’s a woman.

“Without women having tenure to trees or land or both it becomes really difficult for them to participate in tree planting. In Tanzania, for example, women plant trees but don’t have rights to land. Because of such issues we may not be able to realize the full potential of restoration.”

In a just-published brief on the topic, the authors wrote, “Lessons from past restoration efforts have shown that although women are mobilized to provide labor and skills for restoration initiatives, they usually have less ability to benefit than men.”

Read more: Gender matters in Forest Landscape Restoration: A framework for design and evaluation

One of the workshop participants, Komaza’s Janet Chihanga, provided a concrete example. Komaza is a forestry company that supports local women to plant trees on unused, degraded land in the coastal region of Kenya.

“When we planted the trees eight years ago, no one had any interest in this land. But now when it’s not even time for harvesting but just thinning, the men show up and assert their claims on the land,”, she said.

So solving the restoration riddle of gender-responsiveness means solving the ongoing issue of rights and tenure, as well as that of uneven duties of men and women, among many others.

“There’s a need for more innovative thinking, more innovative partnerships and more learning from good practices and things that have worked in certain contexts and trying to figure out if and how they would work in other contexts or tweaked somewhere else,” Ihalainen said.

This learning and working through innovations has just begun, and discussions of these key, intersecting issues will continue, with resolutions now that much closer.

Read more: Gender matters in forest landscape restoration infographic

By Deanna Ramsay, originally published at CIFOR’s Forests News

For more information on this topic, please contact Markus Ihalainen at [email protected].


This research forms part of the CGIAR Research Program on Forests, Trees and Agroforestry, which is supported by CGIAR Fund Donors.

This research was supported by UK aid from the UK government.

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  • Why gender matters for restoration

Why gender matters for restoration

A woman carries firewood in Kenya, East Africa. Photo by Sande Murunga/CIFOR
Posted by

FTA COMMUNICATIONS TEAM

A woman carries firewood in Kenya, East Africa. Photo by Sande Murunga/CIFOR

Nairobi dialogue cultivates answers on how to bring everyone to the restoration table.

Four East Africa country representatives, a handful of restoration implementers, half a dozen scientists and a collection of gender specialists walked into a room. They emerged hours later with points of action and vows to work together, after a day of discussions that focused on national-level forest restoration work, women’s rights to land and the gendered use of resources.

The dialogue on Forest Landscape Restoration (FLR) and gender equality in Nairobi, the second in a series of events on the topic hosted by the Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR), together with the CGIAR Research Program on Forests, Trees and Agroforestry (FTA) and partners, delved into the East Africa experience with the aim to create integrated solutions.

Read more: Policy Dialogue on Forest Landscape Restoration and Gender Equality

“The discussion examined what restoration is on the ground and how different countries are implementing it, and about the challenges in terms of gender equality. FLR takes place in a context where inequalities exist and so the question is the way in which FLR is done – you can either reproduce or even exacerbate those inequalities if you’re not taking gender into account,” FTA and CIFOR research officer Markus Ihalainen said in an interview after the event.

With examples from Kenya, Ethiopia, Uganda and Tanzania presented along with the benefits of grounding gender equality in FLR — and the risks of not doing so — participants brainstormed and workshopped ways forward as restoration commitments around the world surge.

At the event, FTA and CIFOR’s Esther Mwangi said of equity guarantees, “It’s important to have things on paper, but we should not overestimate that […] It is not just about adding gender, but understanding gender across the different actors involved.”

Read more: FTA at Global Landscapes Forum Bonn

LET’S GET PRACTICAL

Rice farmers work on Indonesian peatlands. Photo by Mokhamad Edliadi/CIFOR

Daniel Nkondola from the Tanzania Vice President’s Office discussed the differing ways men and women use the country’s forests, with women’s roles restricted although they are considered the managers of resources, and men harvesting forest products for commercial activities.

“But female-headed households plant more trees than men,” he said, adding as a sort of call to action. “We know that women can be agents of change.”

In Ethiopia, mapping was front and center as Ashebir Wondimu from the Ministry of Environment talked restoration in the country, with work on the ground including agroforestry, reforestation and the establishment of enclosures.

When gender is thrown in the FLR mix, Wondimu said, “Existing policies, strategies, initiatives and targets encourage gender equality. The problem is the practice and the capacity to monitor its implementation.”

As the discussion moved toward strategically addressing gender issues, Janet Macharia of UN Environment said, “If you look at FLR you must look at a wider spectrum: you’re looking at sustainable livelihoods, you’re looking at water, you’re looking at energy, political issues, education […] so gender mainstreaming is exciting.”

And along with that wider perspective, one must also drill down to specificities, as many emphasized throughout the day.

Ihalainen said: “These issues need to be approached contextually. But it’s not only a national issue, as these things look differently even within a country depending on which area or region you’re in, or the cultural context. What is clear is that a lot of the challenges in terms of FLR are quite similar in these countries but the approaches are different.”

Read more: Focus on gender research and mainstreaming

LOST IN TRANSLATION

Along with the different approaches to FLR — which can vary by climate, region, nation or village – are the many different roles men and women play. In combination, this makes for heady layers of considerations.

Macharia said of indigenous knowledge, “The trees that women are allowed to cut, the trees that men are allowed to cut, the trees no one is allowed to cut that are used for medicine — these practices need to be brought into policy and the policy taken down to the ground.

“You can’t go places and talk gender and gender equality because people have no clue what that is, because you can’t translate that into their language. It is up to us to translate what it is we want to do and understand where they’re coming from and work for change. We have to put ourselves in their shoes.”

A native seed in Mau Forest, Kenya. Photo by Patrick Shepherd/CIFOR

This need to translate gender and restoration with the people impacted most — through understanding, informing and doing — was a common thread in the day’s discussions.

“It’s a good exercise to think about how FLR could be done in a more holistic way and how gender features in that. But in the short term we need to look at what’s happening on the ground, what are the issues that are emerging, what are the risks and what’s the support that’s needed,” Ihalainen said.

“That’s what I’m hoping to bring to our upcoming discussion at the Global Landscapes Forum (GLF) in Bonn — a perspective that’s more than just talking about gender responsiveness as part of a theoretical concept that’s not necessarily being implemented in that way.”

This topic will be discussed at a session titled Enhancing tenure security and gender equality in the context of forest landscape restoration, which FTA is coorganizing, at the GLF.

GROUND UP

But what are the risks if restoration efforts continue without consideration of structural inequalities, or gendered labor, or property rights and women?

Mwangi said, “If we do not take into account gender in a meaningful way then there won’t be incentives for women to participate in restoration. There is the issue of tenure and rights in East Africa; in these countries women can be neglected. Ask who owns that tree, who owns this land — you are unlikely to hear that it’s a woman.

“Without women having tenure to trees or land or both it becomes really difficult for them to participate in tree planting. In Tanzania, for example, women plant trees but don’t have rights to land. Because of such issues we may not be able to realize the full potential of restoration.”

In a just-published brief on the topic, the authors wrote, “Lessons from past restoration efforts have shown that although women are mobilized to provide labor and skills for restoration initiatives, they usually have less ability to benefit than men.”

Read more: Gender matters in Forest Landscape Restoration: A framework for design and evaluation

One of the workshop participants, Komaza’s Janet Chihanga, provided a concrete example. Komaza is a forestry company that supports local women to plant trees on unused, degraded land in the coastal region of Kenya.

“When we planted the trees eight years ago, no one had any interest in this land. But now when it’s not even time for harvesting but just thinning, the men show up and assert their claims on the land,”, she said.

So solving the restoration riddle of gender-responsiveness means solving the ongoing issue of rights and tenure, as well as that of uneven duties of men and women, among many others.

“There’s a need for more innovative thinking, more innovative partnerships and more learning from good practices and things that have worked in certain contexts and trying to figure out if and how they would work in other contexts or tweaked somewhere else,” Ihalainen said.

This learning and working through innovations has just begun, and discussions of these key, intersecting issues will continue, with resolutions now that much closer.

Read more: Gender matters in forest landscape restoration infographic

By Deanna Ramsay, originally published at CIFOR’s Forests News

For more information on this topic, please contact Markus Ihalainen at [email protected].


This research forms part of the CGIAR Research Program on Forests, Trees and Agroforestry, which is supported by CGIAR Fund Donors.

This research was supported by UK aid from the UK government.

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  • Filling gaps in the narratives of Tanzanian farmers

Filling gaps in the narratives of Tanzanian farmers

Rice farmers in Mbarali District, Tanzania. Photo by Nkumi Mtingwa/CIFOR
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FTA COMMUNICATIONS TEAM

Rice farmers in Mbarali District, Tanzania. Photo by Nkumi Mtingwa/CIFOR

To go beyond socially appropriate responses and understand what is really going on in their project sites, researchers created a medium for participants to narrate the stories behind the data.

Following a recent overview of a Tanzanian research project that uses visual communication to enable farmers to speak up, this article looks at the developments that have been taking place since. Principal Investigator Emily Gallagher explains what has happened with her filmmaking project now that the sugarcane and tea outgrower communities at the center of the research have been visited, interviewed and filmed, and community screenings organized.

As outlined previously, the project uses the methodology of collaborative documentary, from the visual anthropology field, enabling community members take on the role of active collaborators. However, it is not a documentary in which researchers are trying to look through the research subjects’ eyes.

Communities have control over the script and storyboard through an iterative research process that includes surveys and semistructured questionnaires followed by in-depth interviews that took the researchers back to the field with a Tanzanian filmmaker to document the oral histories and daily lives of sugarcane, rice and tea farmers.

“We are using filmmaking as a collaborative method to spark dialogue and fill in the conversational gaps in the narrative. We know what the quantitative data say. We want to create a medium for the research participants to narrate the stories behind the data using  participatory activities to get beyond the socially appropriate response to understand what is really going on,” said Gallagher, of the Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR).

The final step of this process is to take the documentary to a national-level workshop. “The fact that the communities knew that the final film was going to be shown at national level and that we came back to the village three different times meant a lot for the process and the communities. This was crucial. Communities need to feel that there is a benefit for them to dedicate so much of their time,” she added.

Read more: Visualizing gender in Tanzanian sugarcane production: The use of community screening and documentary filming

Emily Gallagher works with a cultural interpreter in Kilosa District, Tanzania. Photo by Nkumi Mtingwa/CIFOR

Using specific gender-inclusive angles 

The methodology also aimed to understand more about the role of gender and social inclusion in the daily lives of male and female sugarcane, rice and tea outgrowers.

“In the beginning we thought that tackling gender issues would be difficult for we mostly saw gender issues pop up during the process and the narrations, for example when we were talking about environmental history, the current landscape narrative, transitions from an existing crop to commodity crop, and the land availability in the community and who gets land, why and how. However, in the end, the film turned out to be a tool to help figure out the gaps in these ‘socially desired’ narratives,” Gallagher explained.

Taking Tanzania, a country with a socialist history, as an example, she suggested that some people might have a cultural mindset in which everything must be or was already equally divided. “In our group interviews, people would respond that  all land is divided equally between families, men, women and youth. However, the intra-household data about land access and ownership contradict this egalitarian narrative. Or, for example, during a workshop, we asked a group of men and women whether the land gets divided equally between men and women. And while the men were loudly saying ‘yes’, the women on the other side were dramatically rolling their eyes and responding ‘not at all’. So we can see there is a gap in this narrative, and I try to use the film narratives to fill these gaps.”

Read more: Gender equality and social inclusion

Gender role play

To understand more about these gaps Gallagher decided to use a gender role play methodology to view the current situation of women’s lack of access to land, the fact that women historically do not inherit land, and the general land scarcity for youth. This methodology has been developed by the CGIAR Research Program on Water, Land and Ecosystems (WLE) and works with different scenarios.

The community members were asked to play out what would happen, with one change: the men would play the women’s roles, and the women would play the men’s roles. According to Gallagher, this gives women a new kind of power, as they can show from their own perspectives how they feel women and men are treated in the community.

The gender role play methodology was used to understand current situations relating to land. Photo by Nkumi Mtingwa/CIFOR

She used two specific scenarios. The first one was about a young man who was ready to marry. However, both his parents were still healthy and not yet ready to give up their land. The second scenario was of a young widow who had been farming the land of her deceased husband, but his family wanted to take back the land to give to their other son.

In both examples, all kinds of follow-up scenarios came up, such as the healthy parents giving their son the land piece by piece, while he had to share his income with them, and the widowed woman having to marry her brother-in-law to continue having access to the land, or refusing to marry and being asked to leave the land.

These scenarios showed the general understanding among both men and women that it makes more sense to give land to a son than to a daughter, as giving it to a son will ensure the land stays in the family. Giving it to a daughter could lead to her new husband or his family deciding to sell it, or he could pass away and the family of the deceased husband might keep it. And with the current land scarcity, families do not want to run these risks. Furthermore, there is the case of divorce.

“Often in Tanzania people marry only in the traditional way and not through court, so in the case of divorce, the official court rules of equal division of assets do not apply,” said Gallagher. “This is a tense topic, but above all, this is beyond a land issue; it is about a cultural practice and thus extremely hard to change.”

Women left out of supply and value chains

Another moment when it became clear that women, due to a lack of land, had fewer livelihood choices was in value chain exercises. Again, Gallagher made use of different scenarios, in which she talked about the current and past situations, agricultural futures and the changing price of sugarcane.

Gallagher discusses a daily calendar with a sugarcane grower for the documentary in Kilosa District, Tanzania. Photo by Nkumi Mtingwa/CIFOR

During the participatory supply chain exercises she asked participants to act out in which part of the supply chain men, women and youth fit. Through this it became clear that women are restricted to activities inside the farmgate and have little influence in decisions beyond the household. Using this information she initiated a discussion about what kind of change needs to happen at every step of the supply chain to make it socially inclusive.

One conclusion was that in general women require access to land, more inclusion in different roles across the supply chains, and more representation in organizations.

Those who tend to be most vulnerable are the women who marry young, and those whose husband passes away before their children are old enough to inherit, as underage children are legally not allowed to inherit land.

Gallagher mentioned that even though there are very few women landowners and it is hard to find female association members, there are some women in powerful positions. Those women appeared to have been put there based on their leadership qualities, which might not be the case for men.

Read more: Gender-responsive methodology for value chain development

Next steps, uptake to the national level

“In general, it was hard for us to cut all that great footage back into something that we could actually share and show and to capture all the issues they thought were important. However, we also noticed that our first target group, the communities, have a lot of patience watching longer videos, especially when it shows familiar faces and voices from their own communities,” said Gallagher.

The next step is for the film to be shown at the national workshop level. This final step has been mentioned throughout the process, so community members know their voices will be heard at national level. Twelve community members will be present at the national level workshop so that they can see how the documentary is received, and what kind of discussion it might provoke.

By Manon Koningstein, FTA Gender Integration Team. 


This project is led by the Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR) under a cross-CGIAR Research Program collaboration with the CGIAR Research Program on Forests, Trees and Agroforestry (FTA), the CGIAR Research Program on Policies, Institutions, and Markets (PIM) and the CGIAR Research Program on Water, Land and Ecosystems (WLE).

This work forms part of the CGIAR Research Program on Forests, Trees and Agroforestry. We would like to thank all donors who supported this work through their contributions to the CGIAR Fund.

  • Home
  • Filling gaps in the narratives of Tanzanian farmers

Filling gaps in the narratives of Tanzanian farmers

Rice farmers in Mbarali District, Tanzania. Photo by Nkumi Mtingwa/CIFOR
Posted by

FTA COMMUNICATIONS TEAM

Rice farmers in Mbarali District, Tanzania. Photo by Nkumi Mtingwa/CIFOR

To go beyond socially appropriate responses and understand what is really going on in their project sites, researchers created a medium for participants to narrate the stories behind the data.

Following a recent overview of a Tanzanian research project that uses visual communication to enable farmers to speak up, this article looks at the developments that have been taking place since. Principal Investigator Emily Gallagher explains what has happened with her filmmaking project now that the sugarcane and tea outgrower communities at the center of the research have been visited, interviewed and filmed, and community screenings organized.

As outlined previously, the project uses the methodology of collaborative documentary, from the visual anthropology field, enabling community members take on the role of active collaborators. However, it is not a documentary in which researchers are trying to look through the research subjects’ eyes.

Communities have control over the script and storyboard through an iterative research process that includes surveys and semistructured questionnaires followed by in-depth interviews that took the researchers back to the field with a Tanzanian filmmaker to document the oral histories and daily lives of sugarcane, rice and tea farmers.

“We are using filmmaking as a collaborative method to spark dialogue and fill in the conversational gaps in the narrative. We know what the quantitative data say. We want to create a medium for the research participants to narrate the stories behind the data using  participatory activities to get beyond the socially appropriate response to understand what is really going on,” said Gallagher, of the Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR).

The final step of this process is to take the documentary to a national-level workshop. “The fact that the communities knew that the final film was going to be shown at national level and that we came back to the village three different times meant a lot for the process and the communities. This was crucial. Communities need to feel that there is a benefit for them to dedicate so much of their time,” she added.

Read more: Visualizing gender in Tanzanian sugarcane production: The use of community screening and documentary filming

Emily Gallagher works with a cultural interpreter in Kilosa District, Tanzania. Photo by Nkumi Mtingwa/CIFOR

Using specific gender-inclusive angles 

The methodology also aimed to understand more about the role of gender and social inclusion in the daily lives of male and female sugarcane, rice and tea outgrowers.

“In the beginning we thought that tackling gender issues would be difficult for we mostly saw gender issues pop up during the process and the narrations, for example when we were talking about environmental history, the current landscape narrative, transitions from an existing crop to commodity crop, and the land availability in the community and who gets land, why and how. However, in the end, the film turned out to be a tool to help figure out the gaps in these ‘socially desired’ narratives,” Gallagher explained.

Taking Tanzania, a country with a socialist history, as an example, she suggested that some people might have a cultural mindset in which everything must be or was already equally divided. “In our group interviews, people would respond that  all land is divided equally between families, men, women and youth. However, the intra-household data about land access and ownership contradict this egalitarian narrative. Or, for example, during a workshop, we asked a group of men and women whether the land gets divided equally between men and women. And while the men were loudly saying ‘yes’, the women on the other side were dramatically rolling their eyes and responding ‘not at all’. So we can see there is a gap in this narrative, and I try to use the film narratives to fill these gaps.”

Read more: Gender equality and social inclusion

Gender role play

To understand more about these gaps Gallagher decided to use a gender role play methodology to view the current situation of women’s lack of access to land, the fact that women historically do not inherit land, and the general land scarcity for youth. This methodology has been developed by the CGIAR Research Program on Water, Land and Ecosystems (WLE) and works with different scenarios.

The community members were asked to play out what would happen, with one change: the men would play the women’s roles, and the women would play the men’s roles. According to Gallagher, this gives women a new kind of power, as they can show from their own perspectives how they feel women and men are treated in the community.

The gender role play methodology was used to understand current situations relating to land. Photo by Nkumi Mtingwa/CIFOR

She used two specific scenarios. The first one was about a young man who was ready to marry. However, both his parents were still healthy and not yet ready to give up their land. The second scenario was of a young widow who had been farming the land of her deceased husband, but his family wanted to take back the land to give to their other son.

In both examples, all kinds of follow-up scenarios came up, such as the healthy parents giving their son the land piece by piece, while he had to share his income with them, and the widowed woman having to marry her brother-in-law to continue having access to the land, or refusing to marry and being asked to leave the land.

These scenarios showed the general understanding among both men and women that it makes more sense to give land to a son than to a daughter, as giving it to a son will ensure the land stays in the family. Giving it to a daughter could lead to her new husband or his family deciding to sell it, or he could pass away and the family of the deceased husband might keep it. And with the current land scarcity, families do not want to run these risks. Furthermore, there is the case of divorce.

“Often in Tanzania people marry only in the traditional way and not through court, so in the case of divorce, the official court rules of equal division of assets do not apply,” said Gallagher. “This is a tense topic, but above all, this is beyond a land issue; it is about a cultural practice and thus extremely hard to change.”

Women left out of supply and value chains

Another moment when it became clear that women, due to a lack of land, had fewer livelihood choices was in value chain exercises. Again, Gallagher made use of different scenarios, in which she talked about the current and past situations, agricultural futures and the changing price of sugarcane.

Gallagher discusses a daily calendar with a sugarcane grower for the documentary in Kilosa District, Tanzania. Photo by Nkumi Mtingwa/CIFOR

During the participatory supply chain exercises she asked participants to act out in which part of the supply chain men, women and youth fit. Through this it became clear that women are restricted to activities inside the farmgate and have little influence in decisions beyond the household. Using this information she initiated a discussion about what kind of change needs to happen at every step of the supply chain to make it socially inclusive.

One conclusion was that in general women require access to land, more inclusion in different roles across the supply chains, and more representation in organizations.

Those who tend to be most vulnerable are the women who marry young, and those whose husband passes away before their children are old enough to inherit, as underage children are legally not allowed to inherit land.

Gallagher mentioned that even though there are very few women landowners and it is hard to find female association members, there are some women in powerful positions. Those women appeared to have been put there based on their leadership qualities, which might not be the case for men.

Read more: Gender-responsive methodology for value chain development

Next steps, uptake to the national level

“In general, it was hard for us to cut all that great footage back into something that we could actually share and show and to capture all the issues they thought were important. However, we also noticed that our first target group, the communities, have a lot of patience watching longer videos, especially when it shows familiar faces and voices from their own communities,” said Gallagher.

The next step is for the film to be shown at the national workshop level. This final step has been mentioned throughout the process, so community members know their voices will be heard at national level. Twelve community members will be present at the national level workshop so that they can see how the documentary is received, and what kind of discussion it might provoke.

By Manon Koningstein, FTA Gender Integration Team. 


This project is led by the Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR) under a cross-CGIAR Research Program collaboration with the CGIAR Research Program on Forests, Trees and Agroforestry (FTA), the CGIAR Research Program on Policies, Institutions, and Markets (PIM) and the CGIAR Research Program on Water, Land and Ecosystems (WLE).

This work forms part of the CGIAR Research Program on Forests, Trees and Agroforestry. We would like to thank all donors who supported this work through their contributions to the CGIAR Fund.

  • Home
  • Governing mangroves: From Tanzania to Indonesia

Governing mangroves: From Tanzania to Indonesia

The sun sets behind mangrove trees on Osi Island, Indonesia. Photo by Ulet Ifansasti/CIFOR
Posted by

FTA COMMUNICATIONS TEAM

The sun sets behind mangrove trees on Osi Island, Indonesia. Photo by Ulet Ifansasti/CIFOR

Mangroves constitute only 0.5 percent of forest area worldwide, but millions of people depend on them for food, income and protection of coastlines against erosion.

Since 1980, about one-fifth of the world’s mangroves have disappeared. Although human pressures are a major threat, little is known about the governance conditions that facilitate long-term conservation and restoration of these coastal forests — questions that will become all the more relevant as countries develop frameworks for action on climate change.

“Research to date has typically focused on the biophysical dimensions of mangroves, since a lack of knowledge in this area was considered a major obstacle to managing them,” explains Nining Liswanti, as Indonesia Coordinator of the Global Comparative Study on Forest Tenure Reform (GCS-Tenure), adding that mangrove governance remains relatively unexplored territory.

To fill this critical gap, scientists from the Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR), coordinated by Principal Scientist Esther Mwangi, set out to explore tenure and governance arrangements of mangroves through a global review.

They have so far conducted case studies in the Rufiji delta of Tanzania, which has one of the two most extensive mangrove areas in East Africa, and in Lampung province in Indonesia, the country with the largest mangrove forest cover in the world, accounting for up to 22 percent of the world’s mangroves.

At these sites, scientists analyzed national-level legal and policy frameworks, coordination across government agencies, and institutional arrangements at the local level — looking at “how decisions are made and the ability to implement them, both in terms of resources and capacity,” says the Coordinator of the Tanzania study, Baruani Mshale.

Watch: Protecting North Sumatran mangroves, supporting biodiversity, people and the world

INVOLVING COMMUNITIES

In Tanzania, the main dangers to mangroves are clearing for paddy rice farming and salt evaporation pans, unregulated harvesting for charcoal and timber, and growing competition between various foreign and local land-users.

Mangrove trees grow in Indonesia. Photo by Ulet Ifansasti/CIFOR

“Mangrove forests in Indonesia continue to face enormous threats from economic activities like aquaculture and timber logging,” and half of them were destroyed between 1970 and 2001, the study notes.

Over the past 20 years, the Government of Indonesia has made interventions to curb mangrove deforestation, while in Tanzania, all mangrove forests are owned by the state and managed under strict protection, with restricted use by local communities. Yet threats to mangrove systems remain unabated. So what can be done?

“Expanding and strengthening the tenure rights of local communities to mangroves should be a central component of their sustainable management and conservation,” concludes the Tanzania case study. The key, the researchers find, is to strike a balance between forest use and conservation, and to involve communities in mangrove management by devolving rights to tenure.

This participatory approach is backed by evidence in terrestrial forests around the world, Mshale says. “When rights are granted to locals, they can derive livelihood benefits from natural resources, so they become active conservation agents and forests can be sustainably managed.”

Devolving rights over mangrove tenure and management comes with further benefits: it incentivizes communities to take ownership of mangrove conservation, and it reduces the distrust between locals and state conservation agencies — institutions historically tasked with keeping locals from settling in forests and using their resources.

Community-based approaches are also cost-effective.

“Strict protection approaches have generally failed for managing natural resources that people rely on for their livelihoods,” says Mshale. As populations grow and the pressure on resources increases, restricting access and use becomes more expensive and ineffective, he notes.

In Liswanti’s words, “it is impossible for authorities to enforce the rehabilitation of mangroves without the participation of communities.”

Read more: Protecting Tanzania’s mangroves

PRIORITIES FOR ACTION

Community-based management of mangrove forests is progressively gaining momentum. In Tanzania, the government has recently introduced regulated use in the Rufiji delta through various pilots, and Lampung province in Indonesia has seen community rehabilitation initiatives emerge in the past 10 to 20 years.

For sustainable management to flourish, however, a number of steps in policy, practice and research need to be taken. According to the analyses, a first priority is “better coordinating national and sub-national laws and policies,” as well as strengthening collaboration between the forestry, fisheries and agriculture sectors.

Tanzania has no specific policy tailored to the unique needs of mangrove systems, and in Indonesia, “no single national authority and policy on mangrove forest management operates in practice,” though mangrove-specific regulations at the local level fill up the void in some ways.

Birds perch among mangroves in North Sumatra, Indonesia. SWAMP Project
Photo by Mokhamad Edliadi/CIFOR

In Lampung, for instance, community leaders play a central role in mobilizing local action and liasing with external actors for mangrove protection, but “these links need to be regularized to sustain local effort over the longer term,” the study finds.

While emphasizing this need for mangrove-specific frameworks, the researchers found that at the local level, mangrove-specific regulations temper or substitute the array of national regulations.

Ensuring adequate financial and technical capacity for management by both the government and local communities is also key, as is expanding possibilities for income generation by locals, including access to markets for regulated mangrove products.

Women are particularly engaged in mangrove use, but they are often left out of decision-making and benefit-sharing. “Sociocultural and religious norms prevent women from participating in discussions that take place in public spaces,” says Mshale. Beyond legal and institutional provisions, alternative participatory processes should be considered to ensure that women’s voices are heard.

DRIVING CHANGE

Other priorities are supporting participatory management across all tenure arrangements, addressing political influence at the national and local levels, and embracing a landscape approach that takes into account all activities affecting mangroves, including farming, herding and the activities of foreign land-based investors.

Indonesian villages outside of state forest zones, for example, have been engaged in mangrove rehabilitation since 1995 to control erosion. However, they do not have regular access to government resources. “I admire their patience,” says Liswanti, “but it will be hard for communities to keep it up indefinitely without financial support.”

In Tanzania, politicians encourage mangrove clearance for paddy rice farming to gain support during election times. “Politicians are key to changing people’s behavior, so we must find ways to work with them in favor of management strategies that achieve both environmental and livelihood outcomes,” stresses Mshale.

CIFOR’s case studies have been presented to stakeholders in both Tanzania and Indonesia, spurring dialogue between authorities, communities, non-governmental organizations, academics and donors.

Additionally, scientists are looking into mangrove governance in Kenya (2017) and Vietnam (2018).

Further research into governance and tenure aspects is crucial, says Mshale, but the initial path has been blazed. “Each actor has its share of responsibility, so maintaining this dialogue is a vital first step to bringing about positive change.”

By Gloria Pallares, originally published at CIFOR’s Forest News

For more information on this topic, please contact Esther Mwangi at [email protected] or Baruani Mshale at [email protected] or Nining Liswanti at [email protected].


This research forms part of the CGIAR Research Program on Forests, Trees and Agroforestry, which is supported by CGIAR Fund Donors.

This research was supported by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID).

  • Home
  • Governing mangroves: From Tanzania to Indonesia

Governing mangroves: From Tanzania to Indonesia

The sun sets behind mangrove trees on Osi Island, Indonesia. Photo by Ulet Ifansasti/CIFOR
Posted by

FTA COMMUNICATIONS TEAM

The sun sets behind mangrove trees on Osi Island, Indonesia. Photo by Ulet Ifansasti/CIFOR

Mangroves constitute only 0.5 percent of forest area worldwide, but millions of people depend on them for food, income and protection of coastlines against erosion.

Since 1980, about one-fifth of the world’s mangroves have disappeared. Although human pressures are a major threat, little is known about the governance conditions that facilitate long-term conservation and restoration of these coastal forests — questions that will become all the more relevant as countries develop frameworks for action on climate change.

“Research to date has typically focused on the biophysical dimensions of mangroves, since a lack of knowledge in this area was considered a major obstacle to managing them,” explains Nining Liswanti, as Indonesia Coordinator of the Global Comparative Study on Forest Tenure Reform (GCS-Tenure), adding that mangrove governance remains relatively unexplored territory.

To fill this critical gap, scientists from the Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR), coordinated by Principal Scientist Esther Mwangi, set out to explore tenure and governance arrangements of mangroves through a global review.

They have so far conducted case studies in the Rufiji delta of Tanzania, which has one of the two most extensive mangrove areas in East Africa, and in Lampung province in Indonesia, the country with the largest mangrove forest cover in the world, accounting for up to 22 percent of the world’s mangroves.

At these sites, scientists analyzed national-level legal and policy frameworks, coordination across government agencies, and institutional arrangements at the local level — looking at “how decisions are made and the ability to implement them, both in terms of resources and capacity,” says the Coordinator of the Tanzania study, Baruani Mshale.

Watch: Protecting North Sumatran mangroves, supporting biodiversity, people and the world

INVOLVING COMMUNITIES

In Tanzania, the main dangers to mangroves are clearing for paddy rice farming and salt evaporation pans, unregulated harvesting for charcoal and timber, and growing competition between various foreign and local land-users.

Mangrove trees grow in Indonesia. Photo by Ulet Ifansasti/CIFOR

“Mangrove forests in Indonesia continue to face enormous threats from economic activities like aquaculture and timber logging,” and half of them were destroyed between 1970 and 2001, the study notes.

Over the past 20 years, the Government of Indonesia has made interventions to curb mangrove deforestation, while in Tanzania, all mangrove forests are owned by the state and managed under strict protection, with restricted use by local communities. Yet threats to mangrove systems remain unabated. So what can be done?

“Expanding and strengthening the tenure rights of local communities to mangroves should be a central component of their sustainable management and conservation,” concludes the Tanzania case study. The key, the researchers find, is to strike a balance between forest use and conservation, and to involve communities in mangrove management by devolving rights to tenure.

This participatory approach is backed by evidence in terrestrial forests around the world, Mshale says. “When rights are granted to locals, they can derive livelihood benefits from natural resources, so they become active conservation agents and forests can be sustainably managed.”

Devolving rights over mangrove tenure and management comes with further benefits: it incentivizes communities to take ownership of mangrove conservation, and it reduces the distrust between locals and state conservation agencies — institutions historically tasked with keeping locals from settling in forests and using their resources.

Community-based approaches are also cost-effective.

“Strict protection approaches have generally failed for managing natural resources that people rely on for their livelihoods,” says Mshale. As populations grow and the pressure on resources increases, restricting access and use becomes more expensive and ineffective, he notes.

In Liswanti’s words, “it is impossible for authorities to enforce the rehabilitation of mangroves without the participation of communities.”

Read more: Protecting Tanzania’s mangroves

PRIORITIES FOR ACTION

Community-based management of mangrove forests is progressively gaining momentum. In Tanzania, the government has recently introduced regulated use in the Rufiji delta through various pilots, and Lampung province in Indonesia has seen community rehabilitation initiatives emerge in the past 10 to 20 years.

For sustainable management to flourish, however, a number of steps in policy, practice and research need to be taken. According to the analyses, a first priority is “better coordinating national and sub-national laws and policies,” as well as strengthening collaboration between the forestry, fisheries and agriculture sectors.

Tanzania has no specific policy tailored to the unique needs of mangrove systems, and in Indonesia, “no single national authority and policy on mangrove forest management operates in practice,” though mangrove-specific regulations at the local level fill up the void in some ways.

Birds perch among mangroves in North Sumatra, Indonesia. SWAMP Project
Photo by Mokhamad Edliadi/CIFOR

In Lampung, for instance, community leaders play a central role in mobilizing local action and liasing with external actors for mangrove protection, but “these links need to be regularized to sustain local effort over the longer term,” the study finds.

While emphasizing this need for mangrove-specific frameworks, the researchers found that at the local level, mangrove-specific regulations temper or substitute the array of national regulations.

Ensuring adequate financial and technical capacity for management by both the government and local communities is also key, as is expanding possibilities for income generation by locals, including access to markets for regulated mangrove products.

Women are particularly engaged in mangrove use, but they are often left out of decision-making and benefit-sharing. “Sociocultural and religious norms prevent women from participating in discussions that take place in public spaces,” says Mshale. Beyond legal and institutional provisions, alternative participatory processes should be considered to ensure that women’s voices are heard.

DRIVING CHANGE

Other priorities are supporting participatory management across all tenure arrangements, addressing political influence at the national and local levels, and embracing a landscape approach that takes into account all activities affecting mangroves, including farming, herding and the activities of foreign land-based investors.

Indonesian villages outside of state forest zones, for example, have been engaged in mangrove rehabilitation since 1995 to control erosion. However, they do not have regular access to government resources. “I admire their patience,” says Liswanti, “but it will be hard for communities to keep it up indefinitely without financial support.”

In Tanzania, politicians encourage mangrove clearance for paddy rice farming to gain support during election times. “Politicians are key to changing people’s behavior, so we must find ways to work with them in favor of management strategies that achieve both environmental and livelihood outcomes,” stresses Mshale.

CIFOR’s case studies have been presented to stakeholders in both Tanzania and Indonesia, spurring dialogue between authorities, communities, non-governmental organizations, academics and donors.

Additionally, scientists are looking into mangrove governance in Kenya (2017) and Vietnam (2018).

Further research into governance and tenure aspects is crucial, says Mshale, but the initial path has been blazed. “Each actor has its share of responsibility, so maintaining this dialogue is a vital first step to bringing about positive change.”

By Gloria Pallares, originally published at CIFOR’s Forest News

For more information on this topic, please contact Esther Mwangi at [email protected] or Baruani Mshale at [email protected] or Nining Liswanti at [email protected].


This research forms part of the CGIAR Research Program on Forests, Trees and Agroforestry, which is supported by CGIAR Fund Donors.

This research was supported by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID).


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